Harlow's Monkeys Clung to the Cloth Mother That Gave No Milk (1958)
Harry Harlow's 1958 study found infant rhesus monkeys preferred a cloth surrogate to the wire one that fed them. What it says, and doesn't, about adult friends.
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“Contact comfort is a variable of overwhelming importance in the development of affectional response,” Harry Harlow told the American Psychological Association in 1958. He was reporting that baby rhesus monkeys, given a choice between a wire mother that fed them and a cloth mother that did not, spent their time on the cloth one.
The short answer for adults is modest. Harlow’s monkeys suggest that being near a warm, responsive body does something that supplying needs does not. They do not tell you how to run a friendship, but they do put a question to the usual advice about friends: how much of it is provision, and how much is presence?
What did Harlow actually test?
Eight newborn monkeys got two surrogate mothers each. The cloth mother was “a block of wood, covered with sponge rubber, and sheathed in tan cotton terry cloth,” with a light bulb behind her for warmth. The wire mother was wire mesh, “entirely adequate to provide postural support and nursing capability.” For four infants the cloth mother carried the milk bottle; for the other four the wire mother did, and Harlow’s text says the feeding arrangement made no difference to the outcome. Both groups preferred cloth.
The preference showed up in more than clinging. When a moving toy bear frightened the infants, they ran to the cloth mother, and that preference grew with age. In an unfamiliar room, she worked as a secure base; Harlow reported that emotionality scores were cut in half when she was present. The wire mother gave no comparable comfort, including to the infants she had fed. His conclusion was that nursing matters mainly because it provides body contact.
Was the experiment ethical?
By the standards the field holds itself to today, the isolation work that followed was not defensible. The 1958 paper itself does not discuss the animals’ welfare. It describes infants taken from their mothers shortly after birth and some control animals as “affectional orphans.”
The Association for Psychological Science’s profile of Harlow, drawing on Deborah Blum’s biography Love at Goon Park (2002), says his later studies of total social isolation were “studies in psychological destruction” that darkened his reputation, and that he became “a poster child for the emerging animal-rights movement.” Blum calls him one of the most influential and most controversial psychologists of the century. Both things can be true: the surrogate studies helped shift how psychologists thought about relationships, and the cost to the animals was real. Citing the finding does not require pretending otherwise.
What does this say about adult friendship?
Less than the headline implies. Infant macaques clinging to terry cloth are not adults choosing whom to text. But the finding fits a pattern in the friendship literature: the hours that build closeness are the relaxed ones. Jeffrey Hall’s 2018 study of 355 adults who had recently moved estimated roughly 50 hours together for a casual friend, 90 for a friend and over 200 for a close one, and found that leisure time counted far more than time spent working together. Hall’s numbers laid out on a calendar show what that means in weeks. By my own arithmetic, 90 hours at two hours a week is 45 weeks.
Provision still matters. A friend who lends money or drives you to the airport has done something real. The monkeys’ result is that provision alone did not produce the attachment, and that proximity did.
Small, repeated contact is the cheapest form of the cloth. A lecture-hall study of four women who just turned up found that familiarity grew with sheer appearances, and a standing weekly plan takes the same logic into a calendar.
For what recurring contact looks like among adults, Putnam’s bowling-league numbers are the nearest large dataset.
What does the evidence not establish?
Eight infants in the dual-mother experiment is a small sample, and the paper reports no statistics of the kind a modern journal would require. The cloth mother also differed from the wire one in softness, and Harlow’s heat lamp warmed both. Monkeys are not people, infancy is not adulthood, and a surrogate that never speaks is not a friend. Nothing here shows that in-person time beats calls or messages for adults; Harlow tested none of that. The hour counts per day come from textbook summaries in my search, not from the paper’s text, and they disagree with one another.
The lesson that survives is narrow. If you want to know whether a friendship is nourishing, count what you do in the same room, not only what you do for each other. One place where the presence of another person is the entire point is the video check in how DontSnooze works, where friends see a photo from your camera roll if you miss it. Harlow’s data say nothing about that arrangement.